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South African Riots Prove Apartheid Theorists Right: Black Tribes Can’t Get Along, by Lance Welton

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Previously, by Steve Sailer: I have become death, destroyer of South Africa

The US corporate media is suspiciously disinterested in the scandalous riots in South Africa, although President Cyril Ramaphosa has had to send in troops and give three televised speeches in six days, actually invoking the Biden regime. Favourite term “insurrection” [South Africa’s leaders fear fresh wave of violence by Zuma loyalists| Attacks by supporters of jailed former president ‘are bid for pardon or to unseat government’, by Jason Burke, The Guardian, July 17 2021]. What in fact may be appropriate in this case: in In contrast to the mostly peaceful protest in the US, Capitol, more than 200 people have died and the rioters have a clear continuing political demand. South Africa has long Dyed underreported systemic interracial violence, but this recent outbreak is mostly black-on-black. Moral: not only do multiracial societies not work, neither do multiethnic ones—less of everything if they are black.

Needless to say, this will come as no surprise to the readers of In in his book Ethnic conflicts, the late Tatu vanhanenwhose work we discuss here, here other here, found a correlation of 0.66 between ethnic diversity and ethnic conflict, developing this hypothesis from other literature. Several societies fail in the general conclusion.

South Africa was expecting riots and looting; all he needed was a spark. That spark: hatred between tribes within black population. On July 7, the former president of South Africa, Jacob Zumaarrested him for contempt of court. The result: the worst riots since the end of apartheid in 1994.

It’s amazing how little the Western media has explored this ethnic angle, beyond occasionally commenting on the fact that Zuma is a Zulu and the center of the unrest is in Zululand, also known as KwaZulu-Natal. [Why Ex-Leader Zuma’s Arrest Has Cast South Africa Into Turmoil, by Michael Cohen, Bloomberg, July 13, 2021]. KwaZulu-Natal and the neighboring Gauteng riots are the two most populous provinces in South Africa. Gauteng contains the capital, Pretoria, and the economic center, Johannesburg, while the important city of Durban is located in KwaZulu-Natal.

In addition, this country with an official unemployment rate of 33%, in which many people live in impoverished municipalities, has been badly affected by three waves of Covid-19 and a government shutdown. (Generally, Black Africa has been a “Cold spot” in the pandemic, but South Africa seems to be the exception, for reasons that would invite analysis were it not for our ruling class endemic Racial denial). Only about 2.5% of the South African population have been vaccinated. People keep getting sick and dying. Lacking the resources of developed countries, the blockades have meant that many black South Africans literally do not have enough to eat. The lockdown has caused the economy to contract by 7%, which means that people have taken advantage of the unrest to participate in widespread looting. [What Is Happening in South Africa? Riots After President Jacob Zuma’s Arrest, by Gabriele Steinhauser, The Wall Street Journal, July 15, 2021].

But it’s no coincidence that the riots, the collapse of law enforcement, and the action of widespread vigilantes to protect wealthier businesses and neighborhoods started where they did.

Jacob Zuma was ousted from his post as leader of the African National Congress (ANC) and thus from the presidency in the wake of disappointing election results for the ANC in 2016. However, he is a Zulu. He maintains very strong support in KwaZulu-Natal and Zulus is apparently prepared to accept Zuma’s view that the corruption investigation is a giant conspiracy, led by his non-Zulu successor Ramaphosa.

The hatred between the different South African tribes, each of which retains its own language and culture, runs deep. Under white rule, apartheid theorists worked to develop different “bantustans” —effectively, ethnos-states for each tribe, under overall South African control — with other areas reserved for mestizos, whites, and Indians.

The old-fashioned fact is that there was a good reason for it.

During the transition to majority black rule in 1994, it has been argued, prompting Zulus to work with whites to advance the interests of his own tribe over those of his “black brothers.” [The Political Origins of Zulu Violence during the 1994 democratic transition of South Africa, by Jungug Choi, Journal of International and Area Studies, 2008]. Specifically, the Zulu leadership did not want to be part of a majority-ruled South Africa that was led by Nelson Mandela, who belonged to the Xhosa tribe. This despite the fact that the Xhosa, like the Zulus, are part of a larger superethnic group, the Nguni, who make up two-thirds of the black population. [Zulu, South African History Online, September 22, 2020].

The Zulus wanted an autonomous Zulu state within the new South Africa, campaigning for this through the Inkatha Freedom Party led by Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi. The ANC would not grant Inkatha his wish, fearing that whites might also demand an autonomous state. Inkatha initially boycotted the 1994 elections, which brought Mandela to power, and were followed by violent riots by Zulus. [South Africa’s Violent Road to Real Democracy, by Charles Lane, The New Republic, May 2, 1994].

The ethnic group to which the President of South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa belongs, is very different from the Zulu. The Vendas – many people in Johannesburg’s notorious satellite “township” of Soweto are Vendas – see themselves as distinct from the Zulu and other ethnic groups, and do not want to merge with them.

In the various municipalities where blacks from different tribes are forced to rub shoulders, reporters discover that there is constant low-level conflict, with the ever-present potential for violence. Anti-apartheid militants, such as Steve Biko, also tried to create a sense of “black consciousness” in South Africa, but the country’s intense tribalism meant that they had only limited success. [When tribalism becomes civil war, by Austil Mathebula, The Citizen, May 11, 2016].

The western media may not be focusing on the enormous importance of tribalism in these riots, but the South African media certainly are. Of course, educated black South Africans seem as desperate to downplay tribal divisions as some Western multiculturalists are to downplay ethnic ones.

“Ethnicity is complex, even within households,” writes Professor Tshilidzi Marwala, Vice Chancellor of the University of Johannesburg. “In my own home, we speak Zulu, but I am a native Venda speaker. Having been educated in the United States and Europe, I find my Venda and South African identities very limited. To be precise, I am more African than South African and I think the sooner we tear down the colonial borders, the better. “

He adds: “Where do we go from here as a nation? We definitely do not want a return to tribalism and the false barriers that are blind to our common humanity. Once again, we are prepared at a time when our decisions will determine the future of this country. ” [The tribe has spoken: Let’s move away from tribalism for South Africa’s sake, by Tshilidzi Marwala, Daily Maverick, July 12, 2021].

Whatever that means.

And this is simply not what many Zulu especially think. They are Zulu first and foremost and if they feel that one of their own is being mistreated by members of other tribes, then they will not accept it.

As post-apartheid South Africa plunges further into poverty and chaos, perhaps one day they can achieve the separate Zululand that many of them so strongly wanted when South Africa last degenerated to these levels of violence.

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