Schools may not be the ticket to victory many Republicans hope to be, despite what last night’s election results seem to suggest. For the past few months, Glenn Youngkin has been covering Virginia’s cable networks, mailboxes, and airwaves with advertisements about the state’s public school dysfunction. His Democratic opponent, Terry McAuliffe, did not believe parents should have a say in what their children learn, Youngkin would say. Meanwhile, he argued that Virginia students were being indoctrinated by what he and other Republicans have described as “critical race theory, “Or CRT – a term for an area of academic law study that has becomes a catchall for a number of conservative concerns about how schools teach history and literature. Over and over, Youngkin played on the anxieties and animosities that many mostly white parents felt during the pandemic.
It seems to have worked, propelling Youngkin to victory. But in many other well-funded low-grade contests across the country, the emphasis on similar grievances has resulted in no victories for the anti-CRT and anti-mask candidates.
For example, four of the seven members of the Mequon-Thiensville school board in Mequon, Wisconsin, needed to be recalled. Supporters of the recall effort had raised nearly $ 50,000 in their campaign to rid the district of equity advisers and what they described as critical race theory. But as the votes were counted late into the evening, it became clear that the push was in vain. Each board member scheduled for the recall held their seat with about 60 percent of the vote. Likewise, in Guilford, Connecticut, a group of five rebel candidates who sought to “keep the evil principles of the CRT” out of their children’s education, as one candidate put it, have lost their race. And in Ellsworth, Maine, a candidate he campaigned, in part, to eliminate mandates mask from the schools he was defeated in an open competition. These unsuccessful offers, although, in some cases, briefly suggest that while anti-CRT rhetoric creates division and may push candidates to the top in some cases, it may not be a win-win locally, at least not yet.
This election was the first time Americans were able to see if the loudest voices in the room would also be the loudest voices at the polls – they weren’t – and a chance to see if the biggest bias in recent years marks a shift in local politics going forward, which certainly does. While anti-CRT rhetoric is not a win-win for Conservatives, it is still having a profound impact, leading to incredibly harsh local policies and causing the dismissal of many school board veterans.
And it’s not just about CRTs. Although that fight attracted a lot of attention, the current animus towards school boards and the members who sit on them dates back to the beginning of the pandemic, when many schools closed, causing intense anger from some parents. Pamela Lindberg, a member of the Robbinsdale, Minnesota, school board for six years, has been the victim of some of that anger. Last summer, on July 19, at the end of the regularly scheduled board meeting, Lindberg announced his resignation. “I will not continue to accept that hateful and disrespectful behavior with my community service,” he said. “Hate is too much. I no longer feel respected or effective. “
Lindberg is one of dozens of school board officials who have left their positions in the past year. In Minnesota, almost 70 Members have either resigned or dropped out since August 2020 – a typical year would see fewer than 20 of those departures, according to the Minnesota School Boards Association. In Wisconsin, three board members left the Oconomowoc area school board in unison, calling the board’s work “toxic and impossible to do.” And in Beaver Dam, Wisconsin, a board member who had voted twice in favor of the request for masks for children he resigned after receiving several threats and observing a vehicle parked outside his home late at night.
School board meetings, once humble affairs punctuated by lengthy conversations about public works projects and curricula, and presentations on local student successes, have become, over the past 20 months, one of the most important outlets for people to they feel they can voice their opposition to everything, including masks, vaccine mandates and equity initiatives. From 2006 to 2020, Ballotpedia, which tracks the elections, averaged 23 recall attempts against 52 school board members each year; This election followed 84 efforts against 215 officials.
And school board elections are typically low turnout events. But that wasn’t the case with this go-round. When Wendy Francour, who faced a recall in Mequon-Thiensville, the one who elected first? In 2014 she received 2,300 votes, this year she received nearly 6,800. These elections are disproportionately attended by interested parties such as parents and teachers, a segment of the public but not largely representative of the interests of the wider public. But this year’s turnout numbers suggest that a wider range of people have been motivated to vote on education, an issue that, while important, is rarely much appreciated by voters’ most pressing concerns.
In a sense, this is in line with established models. Historically, school board meetings have been where a number of America’s thorniest issues have been discussed, and not always cordially, William G. Howell, the editor of Besieged: school boards and the future of education policy, Tell me. “They were places where issues regarding race, our obligations to the less advantaged, citizenship and immigration status were resolved,” he said. “And they attract all kinds of attention: threats, lobbying and, of course, some positive involvement from people who want to be useful. But guys, that temperature often rises. “
Therefore, for years, there has been a long shadow of part about the school board elections and the councils themselves, even though most council elections are nominally non-partisan. As Howell said, “the idea that school boards are left alone to serve the best interests of students couldn’t be further from the truth.” Instead, councils are constantly subject to pressure from mayors and other local officials, the rules of state and federal lawmakers, and, as several council members realized last year, threats of violence. Now school board officials are again subject to deep rifts in American politics that transcend public education, he said – questions about the broader purpose and reach of government. “We can think of school board policy as a kind of zero point for much broader debates that go far beyond whether or not one curriculum is better than another.”
The other aggravating factor is that these cultural and value problems occur in spaces designated for children. “There are questions that many adults are willing to say, ‘Well, let someone else worry about it,’ but when their kids are involved, they worry,” Joseph Viteritti, a Hunter College political scientist who studies. education policy. . Today’s partisan environment, mixed with the fears people have for their children, makes things even more toxic.
There was no election this year for the seat left vacant by Lindberg, the Minnesota school board member. The moment of his resignation allowed the council to appoint someone to serve the remainder of his term, which expires next year, leaving his post open for the general election. Last night’s insurgent losses are unlikely to mean that acrimony will subside. American communities will continue to be divided into two very conflicting factions and election after election will be an opportunity to regain power.